A spy in Palestine? Bertrandon de la Broquière’s perspective.

19 Mar

In 1432, the Burgundian nobleman Bertrandon de la Broquière (d. 1459) travelled from Ghent to Palestine. He had been sent to the Holy Land by Phillip the Good, Duke of Burgundy (d. 1467), who was interested in launching a new crusade. Broquiere travelled in two disguises: first as a pilgrim and then, in Palestine, he dressed in ‘Turkish’ garb and learned the rudiments of local languages and customs. What started out as an enterprise of imperial expansion seems to have turned into an adventure of curiosity and a knightly quest. Broquière wrote up his account of his travels as Le Voyage d’outremer, a magnificent Flemish-Burgundian manuscript of which (Bibl. Nat. MS francais 9087, dated to c. 1457) featured in the recent, and superb, exhibition, Voyager au Moyen Age, at the Musée de Cluny: musée national du Moyen Âge Paris.

Jaffa, Palestine and Jerusalem: from Bibl. Nat. MS fran. 9087


Broquière travelled with the stated intention of recapturing Jerusalem for Christendom, but the first part of his journey was a conventional pilgrimage, from Venice to Corfu and thence to Jaffa and finally to Jerusalem, overseen by Franciscan friars and Mamluk dragomen. Later, Broquière strayed from the conventional route, travelling to Gaza, Beirut, and Damascus, and interacting closely with Mamluks, Turks, and with Italian and French merchants. Broquière records several moments of his fear of and friction with the Palestinian natives – including the moment when someone knocked off his beaver-fur hat – but as his travelogue develops, it records a growing estrangement from his French compatriots and a keenness to relate to Mamluk culture and customs. He did not just observe Mamluk and Turkish culture but rather tried to take part in it. He assumed the disguise of a local, ate pitta bread and got drunk with his Turkish companions, was greeted by passing Muslims as a returning pilgrim from the haj, and went to the hammam; he refrains from anti-Islamic invective (though preferred the Turks to the Arabs), and returned to Burgundy with a copy of the Koran, which he presented to Phillip the Good (the duke seems to have given the book away, and it then disappeared as Broquière notes, rather sadly).

The Flemish manuscript of Broquière’s text is lavishly illustrated and was made for the Burgundian court. It has an interesting full-page image of the pilgrimage route, which shows some familiarity with fifteenth-century Palestine. It demonstrates the extent to which pilgrimage could also be an ambiguous encounter with the East. Moreover, this picture – which functions partly as a map of the pilgrimage route to Jerusalem – contains some details which are not found in Broquière’s text, suggesting that the artist was either using a different account or had visited the Holy Land himself. 

I’d welcome suggestions as to different ways of reading the sites in the image, but this is how I see its composition and its representation of the sacred places:

In the foreground are the broken crusader ruins of Jaffa, the port at which pilgrims disembarked. Many Christian pilgrims report spending their first night in filthy caves there, and three such caves can be seen set into the small hill. To the right of the caves stand three towers, probably representing the Mamluk town of Jaffa. Broquière’s description of Jaffa, (“a bad harbour”) does not mention the caves but mentions “a few tents covered with reeds”, where local administrators, interpreters, and guides met the pilgrims off their boat.

The route to Jerusalem leads out of Jaffa, with an “Oriental” cameleer and two well-dressed locals making their way along the route (Broquière later travelled to Gaza and noted the camels). Beyond them stands a small town, probably Ramleh, where the pilgrims often lodged. Broquière described Ramleh as “a town without walls, but a good and commercial place, seated in an agreeable and fertile district.” This accords with the town in the image. Might the square central tower in the image even be read as a representation of the beautiful  White Mosque at Ramleh?

White Mosque, Ramleh

The White Mosque, Ramleh

To the left of this town is a small walled complex: could this be Lydda, where Broquière viewed the famous relics of St George? He described the town’s relics but didn’t give its name or other details.

Beyond, is a sudden rocky outcrop – my feeling is that this might represent the Jerusalem hills, or is possibly an attempt at showing Mount Joy (which Broquière doesn’t mention) or Mount Quarantine (which he does). 

Jerusalem itself is represented in a dazzling number of domes and towers, and the Church of the Holy Sepulchre (the rounded, squat golden dome to the left), the Dome of the Rock (the larger dark dome to the centre), and the al-Aqsa mosque (the structure with the small golden dome to the right of the Dome of the Rock) can all be clearly discerned. Broquière gave a minimal description of Jerusalem (“it is these days a considerable town”), and did not seem to have paid much attention to the holy places there. However, he did convalesce, after falling ill, at the Franciscans’ house at Mount Zion; this can probably be seen to the right of Jerusalem, behind the trees, a small extramural cluster, near the man on the horse.

Beyond Jerusalem, one of the hills is painted in such a way as to suggest the Judean desert; and indeed Broquière did complain a great deal about the hot weather and the difficult desert terrain.

The image from the Flemish manuscript doesn’t show an idealised Christian landscape but rather an ambivalent combination of local observations and the formal landscapes of fifteenth-century art. Throughout the image are scattered local people, not pilgrims; their extravagant hats and rich robes mark them out as Mamluks. What kind of memory of a place does this image form? And what kind of evidence does it furnish about what western European people thought of Palestine? Broquière’s text seems to strive to show how the local customs of the Middle East were highly similar to those of western Europe; the manuscript illustration represents a beautiful, flourishing, busy Palestine, peopled not with pilgrims and crusaders but with finely-dressed locals going about their business. Might the case of Broquière and his manuscript even suggest not espionage but a medieval moment of tolerance and an attempt at respectful interaction  between Jaffa and Jerusalem?

—-

A reliable and accessible modern French edition of Bertrandon’s text is available, published as Bertrandon de la Broquère, Le Voyage d’Orient: Espion en Turquie, trans. Hélène Basso (Paris: Anacharsis, 2010); a new English edition is forthcoming in 2015 from I. B. Tauris.

The Politics of Visual Translations of Jerusalem: forthcoming conference

23 Jan

I’m passing on details of this forthcoming conference, which looks like it will have much to contribute to discussions about copies of Jerusalem

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE

The Politics of Visual Translations of Jerusalem

University of York, Berrick Saul Building

20-21 March 2015

Convened by Laura Slater and Hanna Vorholt

Hosted by the Department of History of Art at the University of York in association with The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, in the context of the major ERC-funded-research project ‘SPECTRUM – Visual Translations of Jerusalem’

This conference will consider the political dimensions in the creation and use of architectural copies, visual representations and physical relics of the holy places of Jerusalem in Europe and beyond. Ranging from the medieval period to the present day, papers will cover topics including the importance of Jerusalem for the image of rulers, the role of Jerusalem in public rituals and punishment, the appropriation of Jerusalem sites as war memorials and the role of Jerusalem translations in current political debates.

Speakers include Kristin B. Aavitsland, Carla Benzan, Sophia Brown, Jane Chick, Antony Eastmond (keynote lecture), Cathleen A. Fleck, Catherine E. Hundley, Bob Jobbins, Bianca Kühnel, Betsy Bennett Purvis, Marianne Ritsema van Eck, Elisabeth Ruchaud, Shimrit Shriki, Laura Slater, Nancy Thebaut and Achim Timmermann (keynote lecture).

The keynote lectures are free to the public. Registration for the 2-day conference is £30 (£15 for students). To register for the conference please visit the Online Registration Site. Registration will close on 10 March 2015. For further information please email Laura Slater.

2015/01/img_1964.jpg

‘Remembering Jerusalem’ and the politics of scholarship

8 Nov

Over the last two days, scholars from all over the world have met in London to take part in the conference ‘Remembering Jerusalem’; the conference was held in the beautiful surroundings of King’s College London and organised by the Imagining Jerusalem project. I heard fascinating and innovative papers on a very wide variety of topics.

Three examples will demonstrate the diversity of materials discussed: Nabil Matar (Minnesota) gave a subtle and detailed account, in his plenary lecture, of Islamic traditions concerning the Cradle of Jesus and Oratory of Mary at the Temple Mount (Haram al-Sharif); he repudiated the use of the word ‘Crusade’, preferring instead the term ‘Frankish invasion.’ Malka Greenberg Raanan (Hebrew University) presented her important, and timely work, tracking the routes women take through contemporary Jerusalem; using interviews, maps, and GPS, Greenberg Raanan was able to show how women from across Jerusalem are both corralled by, and sometimes able to subvert, their complex and segregated urban landscape. Shimrit Shriki (Hebrew University) gave a highly insightful paper about the post-World War Two secularisation of Calvary monuments in Austria, including one in which Lenin appeared as one of Christ’s persecutors.

I was honoured to have been invited to give one of three plenary lectures (for those interested, my PowerPoint presentation can be viewed here). However, in the days before the conference, when I sat down to compose my thoughts, I found it hard to concentrate, because of a piece of exceptionally distressing news: the East Jerusalem home of one delegate to the conference, Dr Mutasem Adileh (Al Quds University), had been demolished on 29 September, as part of a programme of house demolitions in the area. Dr Adileh had therefore been forced to withdraw from the conference.

The demolition of the home of the home of Dr Mutasem Adileh, Abu Dis

The demolition of the home of the home of Dr Mutasem Adileh, Abu Dis, East Jerusalem.

The horror of having one’s home arbitrarily demolished, without due process, is hard to conceive. The Israeli policy and programme of house demolitions is unjust, cruel, short-sighted, probably illegal, and certainly unethical. The hugely informative website of the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions gives a lot more information in this regard; an article today in the London Daily Telegraph puts the demolition of houses in East Jerusalem into its wider national and political contexts; the issue of house demolitions in Jerusalem is the subject of an even-handed piece in The Economist last week, warning that Israel’s actions are feeding the ‘resentful segregation’ of Jerusalem’s inhabitants.

These are large questions, and outside my academic expertise. Yet this is the second time this year that Palestinian speakers at conferences I have attended have been unable to present their work due to the actions of the State of Israel: at a conference in Jerusalem in July, delegates from around the world were able to gather, but, due to roadblocks and curfews, a respected Palestinian historian from East Jerusalem was not able to travel a couple of kilometres to give a plenary lecture about his own city. The dire situation in Jerusalem thus has a significant bearing on the academic community and the ability of Palestinian scholars to participate in their scholarly world. Despite much heated talk about academic boycotts of Israel, the scholars who seem to be losing out are not Israelis, but Palestinians.

The International Advisory Board for Academic Freedom (IAB) at Bar-Ilan University is an Israeli anti-boycott organisation; its website contains various noble statements, for instance:

As required from any academic institution, Universities should not be subject to government interference. The university system must be based upon the premise of academic freedom, research and critical thinking, in which staff and students enjoy a platform that not only enables, but systematically encourages freedom of thought and expression.

Who could disagree? The IAB talks about the ‘unfortunate and anti-democratic tendency’ of the boycott movement, but unfortunately its website doesn’t seem to extend its critique to Israel’s treatment of Palestinians, including Palestinian academics. The IAB says that it ‘refrains from politics and addresses only matters of academic freedom and additional academic principles’, but, as the cases I have described show, ‘matters of academic freedom’ are inextricably linked to ‘politics.’ The conceptual sophistication with which the idea of a boycott is treated seems starkly opposed to the brutality of having one’s house demolished.

The IAB website does include a letter from Dr Sari Nusseibeh (president of Al Quds University), in which Nusseibeh argues against academic boycotts: he writes,

an international academic boycott of Israel, on pro Palestinian grounds, is self-defeating: it would only succeed in weakening that strategically important bridge through which the state of war between Israelis and Palestinians could be ended, and Palestinian rights could therefore be restored. Instead of burning that bridge the international academy should do everything within its power to strengthen it, including, foremost, through its own collaborative intervention.

The organisers of the London conference had thoughtfully assembled a diverse range of scholars, from Israel, Palestine, and many other countries: ‘collaborative intervention’ at work. But such collaboration was, in this case, prevented, as our Palestinian colleague was unable to attend the conference.

It is important that we acknowledge the ways in which the imbalance of power in Israel and Palestine has an effect on the constitution of our academic community. If you would like to show your support for some of the many organisations working to uphold the rule of law and human rights in Israel and Palestine, an online donation can be made to the relevant organisations by following these links:

Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (UK): http://uk.icahd.org/support.asp?menu=7&submenu=2

Btselem,The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories: https://www.btselem.org/about_btselem/donate

Adalah, the Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel: http://adalah.org/eng/category/100/Donate/1/0/0/

‘No Man’s Land, Israel': Mini-Israel and the miniature Holy Land

15 Sep

‘The amusement park and the historical reconstruction often promise to bring history to life, and it is here that we must pay particular attention once more to the relation between miniature and narrative. For the function of the miniature here is to bring historical events “to life”, to immediacy, and thereby to erase their history, to lose us within their presentness.’

Susan Stewart, On Longing: Narratives of the Miniature, the Gigantic, the Souvenir, the Collection (Baltimore, 1984), p. 60

The Temple Mount, Jerusalem, in miniature

The Temple Mount, Jerusalem, in miniature at Mini-Israel

When I think about my childhood in Britain in the 1970s and ’80s, it seems that the whole country was littered with ‘model villages': tiny worlds of detailed replicas, somewhat battered by the rain. I vividly remember more than one trip to Tucktonia (1976-85), the now-vanished park near Bournemouth which showcased ‘The Best of Britain in Miniature!’ One was expected to wander around, wowed by the skill at which ‘real life’ had been rendered in the form of tiny buildings. Tucktonia was actually part of a craze, started in England at Bekonscot (begun in the 1920s and still going) and in America at Tiny Town in Colorado (begun in 1915): there are now miniature parks all over the world and it seems to be something of a national rite of passage to build tiny versions of iconic buildings. In most cases, the buildings reproduced are chosen for their symbolism, representing the highlights of the nation and its built history.

In the Middle Ages, replicas in miniature of Jerusalem and the Holy Land were common, in various formats: these could be wooden models of the Holy Sepulchre, maps of Palestine, or the condensed installations I’ve written about here, as at Bologna (Italy). In all cases, the main principle is condensation: a place reduced to a version of its essential elements, as determined by its designers. In the Middle Ages, these landscapes blended elements of the real environment with a fantasy of how the Holy Land should be.

The current version of these replicas stands in a dusty field in central Israel, in the form of the Mini-Israel park (founded 2002, and definitely showing its age). Mini-Israel is located in a particularly important symbolic space, adjacent to the Latrun police station where, in 1948 and then in 1967, a series of important battles were fought for Israeli independence. In this sense, it is a kind of secular, Zionist pilgrimage site; most of the visitors when I went were groups of schoolchildren. The Google street address for the site remains ‘No Man’s Land’, as it sits on the erased border between Israel and the former Jordanian territory of the West Bank; Mini-Israel is therefore by no means neutral as a celebration of the nation state on the site of an erased border. I visited Mini-Israel in July 2014 with a view to thinking about connections between this kind of mediated Holy Land and its medieval precursors.

Map of Mini-Israel, showing the 'Star of David' shape of the park

Map of Mini-Israel, showing the ‘Star of David’ shape of the park

The fort at Latrun, in miniature, at Mini-Israel.

The fort at Latrun, in miniature, at Mini-Israel.

Mini-Israel is, obviously, selective, and it would be petty merely to write about the bizarre selection of sites. But there is an outstanding omission, from my perspective, in the model of Jerusalem: the entire Christian Quarter of the Old City simply does not exist, and missing with it is the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. Where the Christian Quarter should be is a patch of scrubland and bonsai trees. The resulting cityscape is therefore much more dominated by the Jewish and Islamic holy site of the Temple Mount/Dome of the Rock, and its iconic golden dome. I hesitate to guess about the politics of this omission: perhaps the park’s designers never got round to miniaturizing the Christian Quarter, or maybe they feel that plenty of churches were included elsewhere (the park does attempt a haphazardly ecumenical approach, with mosques and other churches, for instance). But an omission like this is, of course, tacitly political, just as is the lack of borders (the park is arranged in the shape of a Star of David, rather than following Israel’s internationally-recognised, pre-1967 borders). Likewise, there are no refugee camps, no development towns, no nuclear reactor, no dispossessed Bedouin communities: like any such miniature park, Mini-Israel builds an ideal rather than reflects reality.

Mini-Israel: view of Jerusalem and the missing Christian Quarter

Mini-Israel: view of Jerusalem and the missing Christian Quarter

Mini-Israel is very different from a pilgrimage site in many ways: unlike a traditional pilgrimage landscape, Mini-Israel has no formal or predetermined ‘route’ through it, little organising narrative, and interpretation is largely left to the individual. At the same time, when considered as a mechanical technology of artificial space, Mini-Israel has much in common with medieval pilgrimage landscapes: the miniature or the model always tends toward description and depiction rather than contextual information and narrative (pace Stewart’s On Longing), and so enacts a kind of historical, contextual and spatial closure. It is a total view of the world, arrested in a dream of harmony. The whole of the park is built to a size ratio of 1:25, and this emphasis on scale also represents a harmonious fantasy: the space is managed by a mathematical principle of reduction of the exterior element of the built environment; in the miniature park, the emphasis is on the tiny facades of the buildings, rather than their lived history or location in shared/contested space. Where there are figurines of people, they look like frozen ants, stopped in strange poses: at the Western Wall, they reel about and topple over, as if drunk, or ill.

At various points in Mini-Israel, sponsored exhibits show automated mechanical reproductions in miniature: the airport, a dairy, a kibbutz at work. Aeroplanes took off and landed in a repetitive movement. Tiny trains whirred round and round a railway in an infinite loop. The automatic mechanicals struck me as uncanny, a little depressing, working away in a self-serving fiction, seemingly independent of human agency or vitality.

The miniature Kotel: the Western Wall of the Temple, Jerusalem

The miniature Kotel: the Western Wall of the Temple, Jerusalem at Mini-Israel

Call for Papers: ‘Travelling Selves: Creating the Pilgrim Persona’ for Kalamazoo International Congress on Medieval Studies 2015

28 Aug

Call for papers for a session at the International Congress on Medieval Studies, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, Michigan, USA, May 14-17 2015.

Travelling Selves: Creating the Pilgrim Persona
Organized by Suzanne Yeager (Fordham University) and Anthony Bale
(Birkbeck, University of London)

Scholarly interest in medieval multicultural interactions has increased dramatically over the past three decades as researchers find ample evidence for a Middle Ages that was world-focused and interconnected. In the past few years, crusading and merchant activity has garnered the lion’s share of attention, while comparatively little has been said about pilgrimage. This session seeks to remedy this dearth by presenting a renewed focus on pilgrim writing. By focusing on the narrative voice of the pilgrim, we hope to uncover the important role of the traveler as he or she crafted his or her persona, and to interpret pilgrim narrative as a way of producing the self which blended aspects of personal biography, the souvenir, lived experience, authoritative cultural narratives, intertextuality, scribal culture, intermedial productions, and other strategies.
Background
It is by now a commonplace that pilgrim accounts offer complexities when treated as historical documents. Some of these texts resist proffering their narrator’s name or place of origin; some pilgrim writers are so committed to copying past models that dating their work (or even authenticating their journey) becomes problematical; while others include fantastic or unreliable data. These complaints are certainly justifiable, but recent research viewing pilgrim texts as literature shows that, from a literary standpoint, pilgrim writing offers a goldmine of scholarly potential.
To draw more attention to this understudied resource, we invite papers that assess pilgrim literature – particularly fourteenth- and fifteenth century pilgrim accounts – querying the use of narrative voice and the creation of narrative personae. Through this study, we seek to answer questions such as: did pilgrims strive to create a sense of authenticity or authority in their accounts? Did they view their work as narrative? If pilgrims were consciously self-fashioning, how did their personae speak to their experiences? We hope that our session will invite our colleagues to join us in exploring whether or not the pilgrim’s identity mattered in the account, and under what, if any, conditions.
Please send an abstract (@300 words) to Dr. Suzanne Yeager, yeager@fordham.edu, by September 20, 2014

Conference: ‘The Making of Jerusalem: Constructed Spaces and Historic Communities’

19 Jun

Sponsored by the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, ‘The Making of Jerusalem’ conference will take place in the Armenian Patriarchate, Jerusalem, 2-4 July 2014: for further details click on the link above.

The Church of the Holy Sepulchre, Jerusalem: rotunda of the Anastasis, June 2014

The Church of the Holy Sepulchre, Jerusalem: rotunda of the Anastasis, June 2014

Between Caiaphas and Calvary: where did Jesus spend his time as a condemned man?

15 Jun

Where was Jesus between the events of the Passion? The Bible doesn’t really say.

However, from the Middle Ages to the present day various sites have been identified as prisons or cells in which Jesus was held during the events known as the Passion. I’ve been working for some time on the rich and multifaceted medieval traditions which surrounded Christ’s imprisonment. The Armenians continue to venerate a prison cell at the Convent of the Olive Tree in the Old City, often said to be site of the house of the high-priest Annas. The Franciscans worship at a prison cell at the rear of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. The Greeks hold an ancient cistern on the Via Dolorosa to be the holy prison cell in which Christ was held by Pilate. In the Crusader period a further site, the Chapel of the Repose, was described as Christ’s holy prison cell on the Via Dolorosa. Here I want to share a few thoughts and pictures about another of these sites, the underground cave known as Jesus’ prison cell at the Catholic church of St Peter in Gallicantu, on Mount Zion just outside Jerusalem’s Old City walls.

St Peter in Gallicantu Jerusalem

St Peter in Gallicantu Jerusalem

As the name suggests, this place is identified as where the cock crowed three times, revealing Peter’s deception and Jesus’ forgiveness (Luke xx:6). But the site is also associated with the high-priest Caiphas, where Jesus was led to be mocked (Luke xxii: 63-5). In the Byzantine period it is clear that the tombs and cisterns cut into the rock here started to be venerated as holy sites, as red and black crosses were painted on the walls. During the crusader period, the site started to be more firmly established as where Peter was imprisoned (Acts iv:3) and then the house of Caiphas in which Jesus was mocked.

 

However, the physical prison cell of Christ at St Peter in Gallicantu is a very modern ‘invented tradition’, dating from the 1880s. The French Assumptionist Order founded the monastery in 1887 and two years later the caves beneath were discovered; this was part of the scramble for holy space around Jerusalem in the late nineteenth century, after new Russian, Greek, Anglican and other orders founded grand institutions outside the city walls, their spires compete for the city’s iconic skyline. Often, as at St Peter in Gallicantu, an active kind of medievalism was at work, as crusader-sites and pre-Ottoman pilgrimage sites were refounded and reinvigorated.

The monastery is a grand building, with a bright mosaic showing the outrages de caiphe: the abuses of Caiaphas.

Modern mural at St Peter in Gallicantu, Jerusalem: the abuses at Caiphas's house

Modern mural at St Peter in Gallicantu, Jerusalem: the abuses at Caiphas’s house

One then descends several levels, following rather ominous ‘one-way crypt’ signs:

Signage to the Prison of Christ at St Peter in Galicantu, Jerusalem

Signage to the Prison of Christ at St Peter in Galicantu, Jerusalem

The Prison itself is a deep cave. Holes in the rock have had small ropes attached to them, to strengthen the conjecture that these holes were used for manacles. But the Prison is a surprisingly unadorned space: a sandy dark cave, equipped not with an altar (it’s not a formal chapel) but a lectern with a reading, adapted from the description of the Suffering Servant from the Old Testament book of Isaiah (xl:55): ‘Lord Jesus, your hands are tied so that mine may be freed. You accepted death so that freed from sin and death I might come to paradise with you! Blessed are you Lord!’

The Prison of Christ at St Peter in Gallicantu, Mount Zion, Jerusalem

The Prison of Christ at St Peter in Gallicantu, Mount Zion, Jerusalem

Remarkably, the signage at monastery is circumspect about any claims of authenticity:

‘…according to a fourth-century tradition not recorded in the Gospels, Jesus would have been scourged not only by Pilate but also by Caiaphas, and where the apostles Peter and John would have been held and scourged for preaching name of Jesus in the temple area after the resurrection. Aided by this context, Christians traditionally recall here some of the painful sufferings endured by Jesus during his Passion – regardless of where they took place, as well as by the apostles, the first believers in his name.’

In this way, the site directly recalls the mnemonic culture of the later Middle Ages: at St Peter in Gallicantu one is not awed by a historical site but rather one is ‘aided’ by the context to remember the narrative of the Passion and its emotional effects: this Prison of Christ is then best seen as a memory-cue and a stimulus to emotion rather than a place of historical proof in itself.

View from St Peter in Gallicantu of the Old City, with ancient caves, cisterns, and walls in the foreground

View from St Peter in Gallicantu of the Old City, with ancient caves, cisterns, and walls in the foreground

Follow

Get every new post delivered to your Inbox.

Join 1,334 other followers